Vice President JD Vance is pushing a new rule that would let the federal government pay married stay-at-home parents up to $9,000 per child annually — redirecting money from the Child Care and Development Fund (CCDF), a program created in the 1990s to help low-income and working-class parents afford care while they work.  

We understand the impulse behind all of this. Raising children is real, valuable work, and the cost of child care has climbed to a national average of roughly $14,000 a year — a genuine burden on families. We don’t doubt the sincerity of those making this case, including conservatives who rightly point out that federal policy has long subsidized institutional day care while offering nothing to parents who choose to care for their own kids at home.

But sincerity of purpose doesn’t settle the policy question, and this is where Pelican Institute — and our partners in the Alliance for Opportunity — think conservatives need to pump the brakes.

The question is not if we should support family formation, it is how we do it. 

The CCDF proposal from Vance takes a program created to help parents work and redirects it. About 870,000 families currently draw on CCDF, the fund is already a capped block grant, and 17 states have waiting lists. Expanding eligibility to stay-at-home households, without adding a dollar of new funding, doesn’t create support out of thin air. It redistributes an already-scarce pool away from parents who are working toward those who aren’t — the exact opposite of the “work-first” design principle that has made welfare reform successful everywhere it’s been tried seriously.

Work is not just a paycheck-creating exercise; it provides many social and health benefits. After the work-focused welfare reforms of the 1990s, studies showed when parents found employment, physical, emotional, and psychological health improved. Their children experienced better health, academic, and behavioral outcomes.

Cash subsidies have the potential to decrease labor force attachment for both mom and dad. The diversion of CCDF away from supporting working parents may also mean more children grow up in homes where they never see a working parent at all. 

One Door to Work: the model that actually gets this right

Contrast this with what Pelican Institute has spent years building in Louisiana through the “One Door to Work” reform — a Utah-inspired model, now championed by Governor Jeff Landry through executive orders and unanimously enacted into law through strong bi-partisan legislative support. In August, the U.S. Department of Labor approved Louisiana’s request to consolidate its 15 fragmented local workforce boards under a single, more focused statewide authority focused on results, making Louisiana only the second state in the nation to operate this way — and the first to do so under the modern federal workforce law rather than a decades-old grandfather clause.

One Door to Work doesn’t hand out bigger checks. It tears down the bureaucratic maze that has historically separated a parent’s first ask for help from their path to a stable job — integrating intake, eligibility, and case management across safety-net and workforce programs so that every interaction with government assistance points toward the same outcome: employment, earnings, and eventually, independence from government support altogether. 

It is self-evident and supported by evidence that it is better for children to have at least one parent on a career path and is upwardly mobile. Public policy solutions should focus on providing job opportunities and clearing barriers to work and long-term labor force attachment. 

This is the first step in helping Louisiana families in crisis as whole people — addressing work and family support. Ultimately, barriers to marriage, work, and self-sufficiency won’t be solved by government checks of any kind. However, as we attempt welfare reforms we should bear in mind that attachment to work that ultimatelty provides a family-sustaining wage is crucial to human flourishing. 

The lesson for Washington

If conservatives want to help families, the CCDF debate offer a cautionary tale in what not to do: don’t take a work-support program and quietly convert it into a new subsidy, and don’t paper over the cost of a massive new entitlement by calling it “pro-family.” The better model is the one Louisiana is already proving out — reform the plumbing of the safety net itself so that every dollar spent moves someone closer to a paycheck, not further from one.

Supporting families and promoting work aren’t competing goals. But when federal policy has to choose between subsidizing a decision not to work and building a system that helps people work their way to self-sufficiency, Pelican Institute knows which door leads somewhere better.